‘Freedom on the Net’ report says Ethiopia among the least free


According to the ‘Freedom on the Net 2013′ report, Ethiopia has been labeled as “least free” and ranked 79 from 100; 1 being the most free and 100 the least free. The report states that Ethiopia has one of the lowest internet and mobile telephone penetrations in the world as inadequate infrastructure, government monopoly over the telecom sector, and obstructive telecom policies have notably hindered the growth of information and communication technologies (ICTs).

The report further reads “Despite low access, the government maintains a strict system of control over digital media, making Ethiopia the only country in Sub Sahara Africa to implement nationwide internet filtering.”Ethiopia’s telecommunication infrastructure is among the least developed in Africa and is almost entirely absent in rural areas. As of the end of 2012, internet penetration stood at just 1.5 percent, up slightly from 1.1 percent in 2011. On the other hand, the number of fixed broadband subscriptions increased dramatically from 4,600 subscriptions in 2011 to nearly 38,000 in 2012, although the number still represents a penetration rate of only 0.4 percent.Mobile phone penetration in 2012 was roughly 24 percent, with a little over 20.5 million subscriptions, up from 17 percent in 2011.Regarding access, the report suggests that the combined cost of purchasing a computer, initiating an internet connection and usage fees makes internet access beyond the reach of many Ethiopians. It also suggests that Ethiopia’s internet connections are among the most expensive in the world when compared with monthly incomes of citizens.Most people rely on internet cafes to use the internet, but the connection at these places is indeed very slow. According to a 2010 study conducted by Manchester University’s School of Education, it was found that accessing an online e-mail account and opening one message took six minutes in a typical internet cafÉ.Internet access via mobile phones is also beset by slow connection speeds. “According to a 2012 report by the Internet Society, telecom policy issues and poor connectivity are largely to blame for the country’s “low internet speeds”, the report continued. The government has sought to increase access for government offices and schools in rural areas through different projects, although the report claims that the projects have been used to broadcast political messages from the central government in Addis Ababa to teachers, students and district administrators in remote parts of the country.According to the report, the Ethiopian government is reluctant to ease its grip on the telecommunication sector. The report also claims that, in addition to the state monopoly of the sector, increased corruption within its ranks has been highlighted as a major reason for poor telecom services in the country. According to a 2012 World Bank report, the telecommunication sector in Ethiopia has the highest risk of corruption compared to other sectors assessed, such as land, education and construction.


Ethiopian police torture political detainees: Human Rights Watch


 Ethiopian police investigators in Addis Ababa’s main detention center have tortured political detainees and regularly mistreat people in custody to extract confessions, Human Rights Watch (HRW) reported on Friday.

The Ethiopian government, long seen by the West as a bulwark against militant Islam in the Horn of Africa, has denied frequent accusations that it uses state institutions to stifle dissent and silence political opposition.

In a report about conditions inside Addis Ababa’s Federal Police Crime Investigation Sector, known as Maekelawi, HRW said many former detainees were slapped, kicked and beaten with sticks and gun butts during investigations.

“Human Rights Watch found that investigators used coercive methods, including beatings and threats of violence, to compel detainees to sign statements and confessions,” the group said in a statement, referring to events over the past three years.

Ethiopia intensified its clampdown on peaceful dissent after the disputed 2005 election, the New York-based HRW said.

The Addis Ababa government said it would not comment on the allegations until it has seen the full 70-page report.

Human Rights Watch said scores of opposition politicians, journalists, protest organizers and alleged supporters of ethnic insurgencies have been detained in Maekelawi.

Interviews with more than 35 former detainees and their relatives formed the basis of the report, HRW said.

Some Muslims have complained the government has interfered with religious affairs as it tries to stop what officials say is a rise in Islamist ideology. Ethiopia has a Christian majority but about a third of its population is Muslim.

Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn last week dismissed the criticism during an interview with Reuters.

“The government has nothing to do with religion. “The only thing we say is there is a red line for any religion in the country which goes beyond the constitutional provision.”

The AU’s Mass Treaty-cide Brinksmanship


Charge of the light brigade

The African Union’s threatened “mass treaty-cide” (a phrase I am compelled to coin to describe the bizarre threatened walkout on the Rome Statute) fizzled out. Those who predicted the “extraordinary  summit” on the “AU’s relation with the International Criminal Court” (ICC) would end in a big bang were pleasantly amused to see it wrap up with a whimper about “undertaking consultation with members of the UN Security Council” to seek “deferral of proceedings against the President and Deputy President of Kenya as well as the President of the Sudan in conformity with Article 16 of the Rome Statute.” After all, October 11-12, 2013 will not live in infamy as I had feared. The scheme to convince the 34 Rome Statute signatory African states to commit “mass treaty-cide” was a total flop.

The Sturm und Drang of a mass walkout on the Rome Statute proved to be nothing more than a tempest in a teapot.  The tag team of Hailemariam Desalegn and Teodros  Adhanom of the ruling regime in Ethiopia bleated out  their stealthily cloaked message of a walkout but nobody was buying it. Adhanom broadsided the media for bearing bad news: “Some media reported earlier today that we are divided but we have seen no sign of any of that. We are not divided and we will not be divided. Unity is the only option.”

Adhanom was right in a way; the group of 34 signatory states were united in their refusal to dump the Rome Statute. Desalegn and Adhanom were the last two men standing alone flying the white flag of flight from the ICC. No signatory state stepped forward to dump the Rome Statute. African signatories understood the Statute may not be good for African heads of states and warlords who commit gross human rights abuses, but it is damn good for ordinary Africans.  After all the huffing and puffing at the “extraordinary session”, the ICC proceedings will proceed and the trials of Ruto and a co-defendant will continue. Kenyatta’s trial is set to begin on November 12. Bashir will remain a fugitive from international justice with a hot warrant on his tail.

Brinksmanship of Mass Treaty-cide: Dangerous game of chicken

The significance of the African Union’s “extraordinary summit” on the ICC on October 11-12, 2013 should be neither underestimated nor ignored. It should be appreciated for what it is: A dangerous game of brinksmanship. Those AU leaders who insisted on having the summit on the ICC were playing a game of chicken with one of the most important international human rights institutions to emerge in the post WW II  period. They hoped to load up the 34 signatories of the Rome Statute on a bus that was careening on a collision course with the ICC, certain in the knowledge the ICC will blink and swerve at the last second. Fortunately, the ICC stood its ground and the AU bus drivers did not have any passengers on board with whom to play a game of chicken. They limped away   in dismay mumbling something about transforming the ICC from an institution that investigates and prosecutes perpetrators of crimes against humanity, war criminals and genocide to a mediation club that brings together victims of human rights abuses with their abusers to sing kumbaya.

Game plan to end-run the ICC 

The Hailemariam/Adhanom game plan to end-run the ICC was based on an appeal aimed at strategically galvanizing  the 34 African signatory states to turn their backs on the Rome Statute. In their speeches, Hailemariam and Adhanom laid out a number of propositions they hoped would appeal to the signatory states: 1) “Sitting Heads of State and Government should not be prosecuted while in office. 2) Let bygones be bygones. There is a need in the continent to “balance justice and reconciliation in complex conflict situations”. 3) The ICC is a “political instrument targeting Africa and Africans.” 4)  The 34 African states that signed the Rome Statute were snookered because they  “joined the ICC perhaps fully concerned that the organization would promote the cause of  justice with a sense of impartiality and justice. The practice so far however leaves so much to be desired.” 5) The ICC prosecution of Kenyatta, Ruto and Bashir  will upset the “reconciliation process.” 6) The ICC and the U.N. Security Council use a “double standard of justice”– a harsh and unfair one for African suspects and something else for others. 7) “We should not allow the ICC to continue to treat Africa and Africans in a condescending manner.”

It is ironic and the height of hypocrisy for “leaders” of a country that is not a signatory to the Rome Statute to pontificate and spearhead the effort to get other countries to abandon the Statute and the ICC. The only thing worse than a hypocrite is a cynical hypocrite!

Give sitting African heads of state get out of jail free card

Adhanom declared in his opening remarks that  “the immunities of Heads of State cannot be taken lightly and our meeting should come out very clearly on this issue.” He demanded in his closing remarks, “sitting Heads of State and Government should not be prosecuted while in office.” Investigating and prosecuting heads of states “has wider ramifications for Kenya and Africa as a whole. We do not want this simplistic suspect/victim approach to destabilize Kenya and our region.” Adhanom argued the “search for justice should be pursued in a way that does not impede or jeopardize efforts aimed at promoting lasting peace.”

Adhanom is right in his contention that investigating and prosecuting heads of states “has wider ramifications for Kenya and Africa as a whole.” There is no question it will have a chilling effect on African leaders and warlords who commit crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide with impunity. The certainty that the long arm of the International Criminal Court will snatch human rights violators in Africa will definitely cramp the styles of current dictators in power who abuse their citizens from their palaces and others who commit atrocities from their hideouts in the bush.

Of course, heads of states and other human rights violators in non-signatory states such as Ethiopia have nothing to fear or be concerned about. They can and will go on committing crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide with impunity. They are accountable to no one. They do what they will and even feel free to set up a wrecking crew for the ICC by telling tall tales and rumors of an ICC boogeyman race hunting Africans.

Why shouldn’t sitting heads of states be investigated and prosecuted for war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide? Adhanom provides no answer. It is ipsit dixit – Adhanom said therefore it is true. What Adhanom fails to understand (or is willfully ignorant about) is what is good for the goose is good for the gander.  There are no good and bad criminals against humanity, war criminals and genociders. There is no moral or legal difference between a warlord and a head of state who commit such crimes. If one follows Adhanom’s warped logic in the context of Africa’s volatile politics, no one will ever be prosecuted. Rebel leaders and warlords who commit atrocities and seize power or are elected in rigged elections will remain free and at large for no reason other than Adhanom’s self-serving and preposterous maxim: “ Sitting Heads of State and Government should not be prosecuted while in office.” In fact, human rights violators in power will have great incentive to stay in power for decades committing more human rights violations because being a head of state makes them untouchable, above the law.   On the other hand, what would keep rebel and militia leaders and warlords from demanding that they too be exempted from prosecution because they believe themselves to be the true leaders of a given country?

Justice delayed is justice denied, injustice prolonged 

In his speech at the “extraordinary summit”, Hailemariam argued Bahsir’s prosecution at the ICC should be “deferred” because Bashir “has been demonstrating the necessary political leadership and commitment to resolve the Darfur issue and address outstanding issues with South Sudan.” Similarly, Kenyatta’s and Ruto’s prosecution should be “deferred” because of Kenya’s “adoption of the new Constitution, the reform of the judiciary and the holding of successful legislative and presidential elections [which] have opened a new chapter in the country’s political dispensation.” Moreover, because  Kenyatta and Ruto  “have played a critical role in reconciling the different communities and creating a peaceful condition for the smooth conduct of elections,” they deserve a break.

Simply stated, Hailemariam argues the ICC should let Bashir, Kenyatta and Ruto off the hook because they now see the error of their old ways. This argument is tantamount to saying that a criminal suspect should be immune from prosecution because he has abandoned his old evil ways and has reformed and rehabilitated himself by becoming a good family man who goes to church/mosque/synagogue/temple regularly, gives alms to the poor and no longer steals, cheats, robs and kills. Alternatively, a suspect who committed a crime during war time or political conflict should be exempted because the suspect’s prosecution could endanger the current peace.

Hailemariam’s notion of “deferred prosecution” by another name is known as delayed justice.  Justice delayed is not only justice denied; it is injustice prolonged. Could there ever be a right time to prosecute an African  head of state for crimes against humanity? How long must victims wait to get justice? How long should the ICC wait before it prosecutes a head of state accused of crimes against humanity?

Over four decades ago, Chief Justice Warren E. Burger of the United States Supreme Court noted: “A sense of confidence in the courts is essential to maintain the fabric of ordered liberty for a free people and three things could destroy that confidence and do incalculable damage to society: that people come to believe that inefficiency and delay will drain even a just judgment of its value; that people who have long been exploited in the smaller transactions of daily life come to believe that courts cannot vindicate their legal rights from fraud and over-reaching; that people come to believe the law – in the larger sense – cannot fulfill its primary function to protect them and their families in their homes, at their work, and on the public streets.” I believe justice delayed is injustice prolonged.

Let bygones be bygones

There is a need in the continent “to balance justice and reconciliation in complex conflict situations,” pontificated Adhanom in his speech. There is a strange historical irony in this assertion. Hailemariam’s and Adhanom’s “visionary” late political godfather and the chief architect of the ruling regime in Ethiopia for over two decades thrived and prospered by keeping justice and reconciliation out of kilter; he would not even deign to temper justice with simple mercy. After the “visionary” leader ordered the massacre of hundreds of unarmed demonstrators following the 2005 parliamentary election in Ethiopia in which 193 persons were killed and 763 suffered gunshot wounds, his way of balancing justice with reconciliation was to jail dozens of major opposition party leaders, civic society and human rights advocates and journalists on bogus charges of “treason.”  That late “visionary” leader was so blinded by vengeance and retribution he threw Birtukan Midekssa, the first female political party leader in Ethiopian history in prison and in prolonged solitary confinement without so much as a court hearing.  He later gloated, “There will never be an agreement with anybody to release Birtukan. Ever. Full stop. That’s a dead issue.” That same “visionary” leader jailed his opponents after he convicted them in a kangaroo court trial and later forced them to drop on their knees and publicly confess their “guilt” in a humiliating manner before he granted them a pardon. Now Hailemariam and Adhanom want to make the “Darfur issue” in the Sudan and the “post-2007 election violence issue” in Kenya a dead issue.

Hailemariam and Adhanom seem to conveniently forget (or lack the perspicuity) that one of the foremost causes of conflict in Africa is rooted in pre-election suppression of opposition parties and leaders, rigged elections and the refusal of incumbent leaders to accept elections outcomes or defeat. Inevitably, incumbent regimes who cannot win in a free and fair election almost always adopt a scorched earth policy against their opponents jailing, torturing and killing them.   That happened in Ethiopia in 2005; in Kenya in 2007; in Zimbabwe in 2008; in Cote d’Ivoire in 201o; in the DR Congo in 2011 and in Mali in 2012 when a coup disrupted elections. There is indeed a need to balance justice with reconciliation; but first justice must be done without delay. Let Bashir, Kenyatta and Ruto go through their trial; and if they are convicted, they could be eligible for pardon, commutation of sentence or other alternatives.

The “condescending” ICC: Africans just don’t get no respect! 

Adhanom asserted the ICC has ignored the African Union’s  “active engagement in the resolution of the 2007 post-election violence in Kenya, and “scuttled” the work of the “mediation team established by the African Union composed of African Eminent Personalities.” The ICC and the U.N. Security Council have been so contemptuous of the AU that they have not even bothered to dignify AU’s simple requests with a response. “It is  regrettable that our repeated call has fallen on deaf ears and our concerns have been completely ignored.” Specifically, the AU’s application to the U.N. Security council to defer the prosecution of Bashir, “has neither been heard nor acted upon.” The AU “has received no response to our request for a deferral of the ICC investigation and prosecutions of [Kenyatta and Ruto]”… In spite of Kenya’s full cooperation with the Court, it is unfortunate that the Court has neither been ready nor willing to even entertain simple requests made on technical issues of the proceedings…”  To add insult to injury, Adhanom lamented, “The manner in which the Court has been operating particularly its unfair treatment of Africa and Africans leaves much to be desired. Far from promoting justice and reconciliation and contributing to the advancement of peace and stability in our continent, the Court has transformed itself into a political instrument targeting Africa and Africans.” Simply stated, Africans just don’t get no respect! He urged, “We should not allow the ICC to continue to treat Africa and Africans in a condescending manner.”

Adhanom “doth protest too much”, to paraphrase Shakespeare. Perhaps Adhanom has not read the Rome Statute. The ICC’s jurisdiction under Article 5 is “limited to the most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole… and [covers only] the crime of genocide; crimes against humanity; war crimes [and] the  crime of aggression.” The ICC has no power to function as a truth and reconciliation commission or a mediation service for reconciliation. Adhanom is asking the ICC to do something the ICC has absolutely no power (and if it did act, it would be acing ultra vires [beyond its legal powers]) whatsoever to do even if it wanted! Adhanom can badger the ICC until he turns blue in the face, but the ICC cannot become a truth and reconciliation commission. The U.N. Security Council is also limited; it cannot tell the ICC what to do. The ICC is not a kangaroo court which politicians can manipulate and intimidate. It is Adhanom who is “condescending” to the ICC and the Security Council by insisting that they buckle down to his naïve and benighted demands. If the Security Council has turned a deaf ear to Adhanom’s repeated pleas, it is because Adhanom is talking loud and saying nothing!

Double talk on a double standard

Hailemariam claimed, “The double standard that both the United Nations Security Council  and ICC have displayed with regards to the African Union’s request for deferral of prosecution… for the last seven years… in a number of cases, has been particularly worrisome…” In his “closing remarks”,  Adhanom observed: The AU has “rejected the double standard that the ICC is applying in dispensing international justice” and has “expressed our serious disappointment against the ICC and its selective approach vis a vis Africa”. Prosecution of  Kenyatta and Ruto “in an international court infringes on the sovereignty of Kenya and undermines the progress achieved thus far in the country’s reconciliations and reform process.”

It is remarkable how some African “leaders” could be so witless that they are unable to see glaring contradictions in their own positions. Hailemariam and Adhanom accuse the ICC and Security Council of a double standard but they are completely blinded to the duplicity of their own double standard by demanding a double standard of justice for African heads of states. When Hailemariam asks for deferral of prosecution for Bashir, Kenyatta and Ruto, he is asking that these suspects be brought to trial at some undetermined future time. But he is not demanding “deferred” prosecution for Joseph Kony, Bosco Ntganda or any of the others. How could one explain to Hailemariam and Adhanom that the ICC cannot establish one standard of justice for Bashir/Kenyatta and Ruto and another for Kony and Ntganda. The ICC cannot use two standards of justice, capish?!

Since Hailemariam and Adhanom are so incensed and bent out of shape about the alleged double standard of justice meted out by the ICC and U.N. Security Council, how come they practice a double standard of justice in their own country? For instance, they have not prosecuted a single policeman, security official, party leader or  regime official for any human rights violations. In fact, for over two decades, they have been practicing their own brand of double standard called “Just Us” justice. Let the truth speak for itself.

The moment of truth has finally arrived!

In his speech Hailemariam said,  “Africa has and never will support impunity of leaders who willfully murder their own people.” Adhanom chimed in: The AU has “unwavering commitment to fighting impunity and promoting democracy, rule of law and good governance throughout the continent” and AU has “ taken concrete actions to uphold these values..”

This is an amazing statement by “leaders” of a country that has sneeringly refused to sign the Rome Treaty since it opened for signature in 1999. Are they telling the truth about “taking concrete actions” in “fighting impunity and promoting democracy, rule of law and good governance throughout the continent? Let the facts speak for themselves!

Following the 2005 parliamentary elections in Ethiopia, the ruling regime established an Inquiry Commission to look into the post-election violence that had occurred. The Commission also investigated disturbances in Kality prison where the regime keeps most of  its political prisoners.  The  Commission examined 16,990 documents, and received testimony form 1,300 witnesses. Commission members visited prisons and hospitals, and interviewed members of the regime’s officialdom over several months. In the end, the Commission determined that the police shot and killed 193 persons and wounded 763 others on specific dates and in specific locations.  It also documented that prison guards fired more than 1500 bullets into inmate housing units in Kality prison leaving 17 dead, and 53 severely wounded.

Commission Chairman Judge Frehiwot Samuel noted: “Many people were killed arbitrarily. Old men were killed while in their homes, and children were also victims of the attack while playing in the garden.” Over 30,000 civilians were arrested without warrant and held in detention. By an 8-2 vote, the Commission made specific factual conclusions about the “disturbances”: 1) The persons killed or wounded during the violence were unarmed protesters. “There was not a single protester who was armed with a gun or a hand grenade (as reported by the government-controlled media that some of the protesters were armed with guns and bombs)”. 2) “No property was destroyed by the protesters.” 3) “The shots fired by government forces into crowds of protesters were not intended to disperse but to kill by targeting the head and chest of the protesters.” 4) There was no evidence that any security officers involved in the shootings were attacked or killed by the demonstrators: “Security forces which are alleged to be killed by demonstrators were not taken to autopsy, even there is no evidence of either photograph or death certificate showing the reason of death and couldn’t be produced for police as opposed to that of civilians.”

There is a Certified List of 237 Killers in the Massacres of 2005. In 2008, a “think tank that met regularly at the Ethiopian Embassy in London” commissioned an “internal security study” to counter criticism by various international human rights organizations following the 2005 elections. In a report entitled “Modernizing Internal Security in Ethiopia”, counterterrorism expert Col. Michael Dewar, British Army (Rtd.) revealed some shocking facts about the federal police, detention facilities and riot control capabilities and procedures in Ethiopia. One of the most surprising facts revealed by Col. Dewars was the existence of a certified list of policemen involved in the 2005 post-election massacres. Col. Dewars stated in his report that “after three hours of one to one conversation”, Werkneh Gebeyehu, the Director General of the Ethiopian Federal Police, told him that “As a direct result of the 2005 riots, he [had] sacked 237 policemen.”  These officials who have manifestly committed crimes against humanity have yet to be brought to justice in Ethiopia.

Adhanom pontificated about “our principle of providing African solutions to African problems.” Some Ethiopian solution for an Ethiopian human rights problem!

The massacre of the  innocent demonstrators is the singular reason I got involved in Ethiopian and African human rights advocacy. For the past seven years, every single week without fail, I have, in one form or another argued and called for legal accountability for the policemen who pulled the trigger, the invisible hands that pulled the fingers of the policemen who pulled the trigger and the masterminds who orchestrated the whole bloody carnage in 2005. I shall continue to call for justice to those who were massacred in 2005.

No justice no peace; no truth, no reconciliation

Hailemariam and Adhanom waxed eloquent about justice and reconciliation. Their definition of reconciliation is giving African heads of state accused of crimes against humanity a get out of jail free card, at least a card that will keep them out of the ICC dock for an undetermined amount of time. It is easy to sloganeer about reconciliation; but genuine reconciliation is a coin with two sides. On the other side of the coin is truth. There can be no reconciliation without bringing out the truth in the open. The crimes committed against victims in secret must be brought into the light of truth so that the truth can set the victim and victimizer free. The truth allows the victim to reconcile with the victimizer by creating a bridge of compassion, forgiveness and contrition in their hearts.  It allows the victims to excavate their hurt and hate from their hearts and begin to heal themselves and their victimizers.  Reconciliation allows the victimizers to look at the evil buried deep in their hearts and minds and permanently purge it. The practice of reconciliation, as seen in South Africa and elsewhere in Latin America, allowed victims to face their torturers and jailers and through a confrontation of love (not hate, revenge or vengeance) both victim and victimizer put the past behind them and kept moving forward to future where such crimes will never be repeated. How can there be reconciliation when those accused of crimes against humanity are given “deferrals” of prosecutions or when there is a double standard of justice for the powerful in the palaces and the out of power in the bushes?

Justice is like a train that is nearly always late. 

Lady Justice “is like a train that is nearly always late”, but she has finally arrived at her African destination with a scale in one hand and a sword in the other, and without her blindfold to see the atrocities that continue to be committed in Africa. A new dawn is rising over the darkness of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide in Africa. I am glad to see the scales of justice insignia of the International Criminal Court rising over the African horizon. I know the  ICC’s achievements during its decade-long existence are modest. I also  appreciate the growing pains of the ICC.  I do not believe for a nano second that the ICC or the Office of the Prosecutor are racist institutions with double standards of justice for Africans and everyone else. I have not seen a scintilla of evidence to support the claims of ICC critics and detractors. Of course, the racism and double standard accusations are red herrings. The burden of proving the ICC and OTP are racists who have contempt for Africa and use a double standard to mistreat Africans is on those who make their allegations. All I can say is: Put up or shut up!



The tribal TPLF regime which spent 17 years of guerrilla fighting in jungle before coming to power in 1991 to govern the country for the last 22 years does not seem to have any concern or knowledge for the internationally accepted human right protocols leave aside to abide by the rules and regulations. By its very nature, TPLF is a jungle born tribal party which is incapable to administer Ethiopia in respect of contemporary, civilized thinking of governance. Its inadequacy to lead the country has proved itself in these 22 years when it induces the rule of jungle, force and terror to stay in power. Here after, no one expects TPLF to realize the importance of freedom and democracy to govern a sovereign country. If one thinks that the time is still early for this tribal regime to update itself and respect civilian rights, he or she must be the one who dreams the sun to rise on west and set in the east. No one is optimist to any form of positive change as long as this government is on power.

More than ever, today, the Oromo people which constitute the total population have become determined not to sustain any form of oppressions. Incarcerating and killing Oromos who ask their rights, administering severe corporal punishment on those who exercise their freedom of speech and press, exiling those who stand against any kind of partial or racist treatment, and persecuting Oromo scholars to flee the country are among the major administration policies of TPLF. In general, what the regime is committing against the Oromo people could be considered as an act of genocide. For the world surprise, those codes of crimes TPLF penalized in life or death sentence are undisputed human rights across the continents including Africa. Unfortunately, even if TPLF is not exercising it in reality, some of the charges that many Oromo people are being left in prisons are clearly stated as civil rights on the constitutional documents (papers) of the country. To TPLF shame and guilt, as if the country has two distinct constitutions and two classes of citizens, rules and regulations that deny the very rights of some are being implemented to liberate and empower others.

The tribal regime of TPLF that segregates citizens in race and language for preferential access of education, work and safe life has faced a strong reaction and opposition from Oromo people which make more than of the population count. This abundance put imminent threat to TPLF that it will be overwhelmed by number and power. This in turn brings a continuous persecution and a deliberate, systematic, or wanton infliction of physical or mental suffering for Oromo people regardless of sex, age and region across the country. The case of those 69 Oromo innocents who are suffering in prison not for any justified reason or crime but simply for being Oromo and asking their rights is a simple justification for TPLF’s aggression.

Since the onset of TPLF regime, the number of Oromo people put behind bars and racked at different places in Kality, Zeway, Shewarobit, and Diredawa is getting higher. Those 69 Oromo prisoners, who are collectively jailed under the command of the deceased Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, just a year and two months before his death, have faced a gruesome torture in their prison cells. These prisoners have neither been tried in front of any legal court nor have knowledge for what kind of transgression they committed to end up in prison. Recently, after being told to get a hearing on 6th of July, suddenly they received a prolongation of date by four months on which they expressed their deep discontent and appealed to the office of the Prime Minister. However, their right to appeal for the PM office triggered the prison management’s anger and they become subjected for harsh and sever punishment from the authorities. These innocent prisoners put in a group, tied their hands and feet to endure a shocking revenge. Some of the hospital source have disclosed many of them have been left with sever physical injuries. Among those who have been tortured in inhumane manner, eight of them were critically injured and lost their conscious before taken to a hospital. According to eye witnesses, prior to their severe corporal punishment, those 69 prisoners were grouped in to three. These people have also testified that the walls and floors of those rooms where the prisoners savagely tortured were stained with blood and had been washed and cleaned for a day long.

In addition to this, Engineer Tesfahun Chemeda, who lost his life after a long time imprisonment and torture in Kality prison, is regrettable, unforgettable and unforgivable loss for us, Oromo people as a whole. This act of crime will never stop or pull back our struggle against TPLF regime; and we keep shouting to expose its offence against Oromos to the world wide nations. We will never surrender until a neutral body examines the cause of his death and we, as Oromo, and his beloved family get justice against the killers.

This crime and inhumane treatments of TPLF being administered on Oromo people is a part and parcel of a day to day gruesome acts of the regime against the nation and nationalities of Ethiopia. Therefore, the Oromo people calls every individual people of the country to feel and consider this oppression as a crime committed against his or her livelihood to stand together to pull out the already rotten government. When the Oromo people are attacked, Afar, Sidamo, Somalis, Wolitas, and other nation and nationalities should come forward reinforce the struggle since TPLF dictatorial rule and oppression is without exception. As the Oromo people committed and making life sacrifices to bring a revolutionary change, it calls other oppressed groups to join its struggle to eradicate the regime and to smash its racial and partial yoke the people have been carrying for the last 22 years.

No Human Rights = No Development


In a report submitted to the UN Human Rights Council’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR) on September 15, 2013, the Oakland Institute and the Housing and Land Rights Network outlined the human rights and international law violations perpetrated by the government of Ethiopia in the name of country’s development strategy.

Drawing clear links between recorded testimonies on the ground and breaches of specific international covenants and articles in Ethiopia’s constitution, the joint submission to the UN Human Rights Council also responds to Ethiopia’s draft National Human Rights Action Plan for 2013-2015. “Rather than working to build a development strategy grounded in human rights, the Ethiopian government is attempting to hoodwink its human rights record, leaving unmentioned its villagization program and the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation-both used by the government as significant justifications for forced resettlement, arbitrary detentions, and politically motivated arrests,” said Anuradha Mittal, Executive Director of the Oakland Institute.

As previous Oakland Institute reports have chronicled, the Ethiopian government’s efforts to clear land for large-scale foreign investment has entailed widespread violations of human, social, economic, and political rights. Violations of citizen’s rights to self-determination, housing, land for subsistence production, and free political association–enshrined in the Ethiopian constitution, the Rural Land Administration and Land Use Proclamation, and in United Nations international covenants–are carried out in the name of development.

The joint UPR submission suggests that the ruling party’s ability to implement country’s unpopular villagization program rests in its monopoly on force and dominance over the allocation of humanitarian assistance. “Authoritarian governance and the methods used in implementing development projects have combined to violate human rights to livelihood and culture for land-based peoples, especially in the peripheral regions,” said Joseph Schechla, Coordinator of the Housing and Land Rights Network. “Involuntary resettlement, a form of forced evictions, accompanies deprivation of the right to food, including the right to feed oneself, particularly for agropastoralists. On the other hand, the ability to control information and stifle dissent has enabled the ruling party to present a positive face to the international community, which has dubbed Ethiopia a nation in “renaissance”, he continued.

The joint submission presents undeniable evidence that should compel the international community to advocate for a human rights centered development strategy that would benefit all Ethiopians.

Cry at UN, No to State Sponsored terrorism in Ethiopia


For the 68th UN General Assembly, Ethiopian delegates travel to New York was kept secret. The regime media and its websites kept us in dark maybe as precaution from Al Shabab that massacred innocent civilians in Nairobi Westgate Mall to avenge for the military involvement of kenya in Somalia.

Terrorism by Al Shabab or state sponsored terrorism like that of Ethiopia should be condemned by all of us. It is a shame and insult to characterize Ethiopian journalists, activist, opposition members and activists as terrorists and throw them for long term jail.

How many lives our “terrorists” took ? Not a singe life. We can not say the same for Woyane. Before the end of the Ethiopian Year of 2005 alone close to hundreds Ethiopian Muslims were gun down by the regime for demanding the government not to involve in their religious affairs.

This month alone the Blue Party/Semayawi supporters and members were beaten up for organizing peaceful march. Today Andinet/UDJ members and supporters were detained in Addis for calling Addis Ababeans to come out this coming Sunday to protest against the Ethiopian regime “terrorism law” that is used to put government critics behind bar.

Hailemariam Desalegn talk of terrorism at UN stage today is just an empty rhetoric. He is trying like the late Meles Zenawi to bring his regime as a partner/leader to fight extremism and terrorism in the Horn. Al Shabab has given the Ethiopian Regime a New Year Gift, to replay the terrorism card of 2006.

The Western backers of the Ethiopian regime care less for the suffering of the Ethiopian people and will pump money and political support for their ally to fight Al Shabab in the horn.

Halilemarim will send more troops to support Kenya to punish Al Shabab for its massacre of last Saturday in Nairobi. The war drum will be beaten by Woyane, the same time terrorizing the Ethiopian people will continue.

Peaceful march in Ethiopia is now impossible in public squares. Meskel Square rally was denied last Sunday for Blue Party and Andinet/UDJ will have the same fate this Sunday.

We witnessed in Egypt last month how the public squares turned into Deadly Squares by the Egyptian army. The world witnessed how peaceful marches turned into the killing field. All these might have encouraged the Ethiopian regime to do what they are doing now.

Both the regime in Cairo and Addis are talking about fighting “terrorism”. The terrorist in Egypt are Mohamed Morsi the first elected president of Egypt, Muslim Brotherhood members and supporters The terrorists in Ethiopia are journalists, opposition leaders and Muslim religious leaders.

The Egyptians who rallied in millions to overthrow Mubarak are now back to Mubarak’s Egypt without him. Ethiopians are trying to run in millions to change the regime like the Egyptian did in 2011.

If Ethiopians run in millions there is no guarantee that they will change the regime unless there is an armed support for our revolution. The question is where that army that will support our revolution will come from ?

The hope is from within. The dissatisfied Ethiopian army will stand with the Ethiopian people if the popular mass rally continues. We heard poor Ethiopian soldiers calling from Somalia to tell the corruption and the dissatisfaction of the soldiers.

The Woyane Generals are now super rich. The army sooner or later will revolt and join the mass uprising. The Ethiopian hijacked revolution of Feb. 1974 can be repeated. Many of the soldiers now were not even born but should be educated about that experience.

The corrupt generals and TPLF elites can not play the terrorism card forever. Ethiopians know very well who denied them the right to live in dignity for twenty two years. The terror Ethiopians endured is much older than Al Shabab which is only seven years old.

Ethiopians did our part today in New York City and stood with the oppositions back home. The slogan was very clear. We condemned state terrorism in Ethiopia. We demanded all political prisoners to be released immediately.

Those who came out of UN after Hailemariam Desalegne speech around 1pm heard us loud and clear.The struggle for Freedom and justice can not be stopped neither here nor back home.

A Journalist kidnapped, Threatened, and Beaten by Intelligence and Security Agents in Ethiopia


The Ethiopian journalist Bisrat Woldemichael was kidnapped, threatened, humiliated, and beaten by the Ethiopian intelligence and security agents on 28 August, 2013. He has reported this incident today to journalists.

Bisrat reported that the dreadful incident took place at Gotera, a place in the capital Addis Ababa as he was walking home from work. He said he was victimized for exercising his right to free expression in conjunction with the related right to press freedom.

Bisrat Woldemichael works for a magazine, Ebony, as Editor in Chief, and writes political articles on different Ethiopian private press outlets. He also blogs at  www.addismedia.wordpress.com and www.ethiopiahot.wordpress.com. The journalist is known for his outspoken articles focused on the poor governance and pervasive human right violation, which are turning the oldest East African nation, Ethiopia, into a hell.

Violence against journalists is a common practice in Ethiopia, a country generally regarded as one of the most dangerous places to be a journalist. According to Amnesty International, during the past three years only, over 100 prominent journalists were brutally prosecuted on fabricated charges, and too many others were also subjected to harassment, intimidation, and other violence.

“It was 3:30 AM in the evening, and I was returning home from my workplace. 4 people came to me and said: ‘we need to ask you some questions. Two of them were dressed in black and their faces were almost covered with their caps”, Bisrat said, while narrating his ordeal to journalists.

“I first didn’t understand what was going on. I realized that I was in danger just when one of them put a knife on my stomach”, he noted.  “When I saw the knife, I asked them: ‘Who are you? What do you need? But none of them gave me an answer, instead they warned me just to keep walking forward,” he explained.

“I didn’t do anything but followed them, because I was surrounded, and the guy also clearly told me he would stab me with the knife if I tried to challenge them. In addition, one of them had a gun”, Bisrat said.

From there Bisrat was taken to a place far away from the main road. The place he was taken to was quite dark and out of public sight.

“As soon as we reached there they told me they were disappointed at my articles I had recently written, particularly at the one which dealt about the wealth of the late Prime Minister Meles Zenawi ”, Bisrat said.

“They said: ‘Who are you to count the wealth of Meles Zenawi? Who are you to write about his family’s wealth?  You have passed the red line!’ ” he explained.

The journalist said that the kidnappers violently interrogated him at length, for almost one hour, and threatened him to stop writing.

“They said: ‘here we are giving you a last warning. If you write any more for any media (or if you keep blogging), the consequence will be worse for you. If you need your life, stop wiring. Remember!  It is a last warning’ ”, Bisrat explained.

The journalist said that this was not the end of the drama but the beginning. “They also insulted and humiliated me, and finally began to beat me.

Right after the incident, Bisrat was able to go to a nearby police station, to report the case. But, according to him, having heard the case, the police officers simply gave him an appointment for the coming mooring and let him go. Bisrat said that it took him several days to get the case registered.

“They are Watching Me”

Bisrat said since the day he experienced the violence he has been under surveillance. “Few days ago, I saw them following me behind”, he explained adding “I know they are watching me very closely.”

But, in the face of such grave threats, Bisrat, a journalist who is committed to freedom of speech, has continued doing his job with courage. He continues writing about the political crisis, poor governance, and human right violation worsening in Ethiopia.

“I don’t have a choice. I am a journalist. There is nothing to do except writing what I see, hear, and feel.” Bisrat explained. He again and again made clear that no threats and tortures would make him stop writing

The paper Tigers

Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, guarantees the right to freedom of expression saying that: “Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media regardless of frontiers. Likewise, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which Ethiopia ratified in 1993, and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights guarantee the right in a very clear way. They even impose formal legal obligations on state parties to insure this fundamental right is protected.

But, sadly, even in the presence of all these legal documents, Enjoyment of press freedom and freedom of expression still continue to be a far cry for Ethiopian journalists and bloggers as they experience violence while doing their job. They are harassed, threatened, humiliated, and arbitrary jailed.