The brutal dictatorship the world keeps ignoring(Washington post)


On Monday, the United Nations released the results of a year-long investigation into human rights in Eritrea. What it found was horrific. Detailing “systematic, widespread and gross human rights violations,” the U.N. commission of inquiry argued that Eritrea was operating a totalitarian government with no accountability and no rule of law.

“The commission also finds that the violations in the areas of extrajudicial executions, torture (including sexual torture), national service and forced labor may constitute crimes against humanity,” the report said.

However, it appears the report failed to produce any mainstream outrage. Unlike similar U.N. reports on alleged crimes against humanity in North Korea, or online criticism of human rights abuses in places such as Saudi Arabia or Qatar, the horrific accusations against Eritrea didn’t produce a viral outcry.


Why not? It certainly doesn’t seem to be because of the severity of the accusations. Crimes against humanity are pretty much as serious as you can get, and it’s hard to read the United Nations’ full report and not be shocked.

It’s hard to imagine now, but hopes were initially high for Eritrea in 1993 after it gained independence from Ethiopia after 30 years of civil war. Since then, however, President Isaias Afwerki has clamped down and allowed no room for an opposition. The U.N. report described a Stasi-like police state that leaves Eritreans in constant fear that they are being monitored.

“When I am in Eritrea, I feel that I cannot even think because I am afraid that people can read my thoughts and I am scared,” one witness told the U.N. inquiry.


The system leads to arbitrary arrests and detention, with torture and even enforced disappearances a part of life in Eritrea, the U.N. probe found, and even those who commit no perceived crime often end up in arduous and indefinite national service that may amount to forced labor. Escape is not a realistic option for many: Those who attempt to flee the country are considered “traitors,” and there is a shoot-to-kill policy on the border, the report said.

It’s also worth noting the significant effort and risk put into creating the report: The Eritrean government refused to allow the United Nations access to the country to investigate, so the U.N. team interviewed more than 550 witnesses in third countries and accepted 160 written submissions. Many approached by the United Nations declined to give testimony, even anonymously, citing a justifiable fear of reprisal.

A drawing provided to the U.N. by an Eritrean torture survivor.
A drawing provided to the U.N. by an Eritrean torture survivor.
Still, experts don’t seem too surprised at the lack of outrage generated by the report. “Clearly, Eritrea doesn’t capture the imagination, or rouse the conscience of Americans, much in the way North Korea does,” Jeffrey Smith, an advocacy officer at the Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice and Human Rights, explained. “President Afwerki, while unquestionably a chronic human rights abuser and eccentric despot, isn’t portrayed by the American media in the same way that Kim Jong Un is.”


“North Korea also makes headlines for other reasons — namely its nuclear ambitions and the ongoing threat it poses to regional stability in East Asia,” he added. “Similarly, while Eritrea is certainly a police state similar to North Korea in many ways, it’s largely kept out of the headlines because Africa in general doesn’t feature highly on the agenda of policymakers here in the United States.”

The fact is, while the scope and authority of the U.N. report lent its allegations an added weight, academics and human rights researchers had long written similar things about the Eritrean state without a significant mainstream response in America or Europe.

In 2014, for instance Human Rights Watch called Eritrea “among the most closed countries in the world” and pointed to “indefinite military service, torture, arbitrary detention, and severe restrictions on freedoms of expression, association, and religion.” Reporters Without Borders has repeatedly ranked it as the worst country in the world for press freedom — worse even than North Korea.


“The U.N. report? We knew it already,” said Ismail Einashe, a Somali-British journalist who works with Eritrean migrants. “Too little, too late.”

Despite this, some reports on the country ignore this and focus on another aspect of Eritrea: Its unlikely tourism sector. International isolation, a history as an Italian colony and reported Qatari investment may have made Eritrea a unique if distasteful vacation destination: As one travel blogger put it last year, the capital of “Asmara felt much more like Naples than North Korea.”

Sara Dorman, an expert in African politics at Edinburgh University, doesn’t think much of either comparison.

“I don’t think it’s particularly helpful,” she said of the country’s reputation as the “North Korea of Africa.” At the same time, she stressed that Eritrea really does deserve to be seen as a special case. “As somebody who studies authoritarian regimes elsewhere in Africa, the Eritrean regime’s control over its population is qualitatively different than other African states,” Dorman said, before pointing to features such as the scale of Eritrea’s intelligence service and the practice of punishing entire families for the crimes of one member.

There are plenty of historical arguments for why the world should pay more attention to what’s happening in Eritrea. Former colonial rulers Italy and Britain have an obvious legacy there, and so does the United States, which allowed Ethiopia to incorporate Eritrea with the aim of keeping the U.S. Kagnew Station military base in the country. In addition, Eritrea has a difficult recent history with its East African neighbors: It’s currently under U.N. sanctions for supporting al-Shabab, the Somali Islamist group, and others in the region.

But one important reason to pay attention has become an unavoidable reality for Europe. Eritreans make up a large share of the migrants crossing the Mediterranean in flimsy boats to seek asylum in Europe: More than 22 percent of those who made the journey in 2014 were from the country, according to the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees, second only to Syrians. They flee not because of a civil war like that in Syria, but because of the immense restrictions the Eritrean state puts on their lives. As one escaped Eritrean put it, life there is a “psychological prison.”

Despite this, a number of European nations have recently tightened the restrictions on Eritrean migrants, many citing a Danish immigration report from last November that prompted criticism from human rights groups. The European Union is also considering increasing the amount of aid it sends to Eritrea via the European Development Fund. Experts like Dorman hope that the U.N. report may lead some in Europe to reconsider.

“If organizations don’t take note of this report, we really have to wonder about how they make these decisions,” she said.

Still, even if they don’t, the report does have one very vocal audience: The Eritrean government and pro-government media. In a statement published on Tuesday, Eritrea called the U.N. report a”cynical political travesty” that was an attack “not so much on the government, but on a civilized people and society who cherish human values and dignity.”



Evidence that prisoners of conscience, critical journalists, and activists have been abused By Girma Bethany



In recent years, it has come to be recognized that men and women activists, prisoners of conscience, and critical journalists in Ethiopia have been sexually abused in detention as a method of torture. We do not know exactly how common the abuse is.  Few former prisoners are willing to disclose their experience. Rape, genital maiming/mutilation, and sexual violence including sodomy are under-reported by both men and women. Male survivors of sexual violence are less likely than women and girls to disclose assaults (Callender & Dartnall 2011)due to a combination of cultural and religious reasons manifested through shame, confusion, and guilt. This study uses personal accounts and anecdotal evidence to investigate the alleged abuses. The data indicate that genital maiming/mutilation and rape have been practiced in an attempt to silence dissent and humiliate the victims. This study highlights the urgent need for the international community and local human rights organizations to address seriously the needs of victims of sexual violence such as genital maiming, rape, and other obscene and sadistic, ill treatment in prisons.  The human cost of the silencing and the marginalization of survivors can only be estimated at present.

Summary and Preliminary Conclusion

The project is underway and the conclusions that we can draw from this work are tentative. For many years there have been rampant rumors that prison officials and interrogators in Ethiopia abuse prisoners of conscience, journalists, and members of the opposition party. These prisoners have been exposed to unspeakable violation and are at the same time incapable of public expression in Ethiopia where sexual abuse is a taboo subject. Rape and the maiming of genital organs as a method of torture are part of this tragedy. Abuses are not only sexual. They are multifold: dehydration, starvation, and solitary confinement; refusal to provide basic medical care; ignoring cries for help; and varied forms of psychological abuse.

The objectives of this study are (a) to document the magnitude of this tragedy; (b) to create public awareness; (c) to assist the victims; and (d) to encourage survivors to come forward and share their stories with researchers and human right activists. As there is no possibility of obtaining recognizable justice in Ethiopia, this documentation is essential to helping the victims gain access to international judicial mechanisms. Survivors could file suit and pursue criminal prosecution and trials for both the perpetrators and those who ordered the sexual torture. It has been demonstrated on many occasions that the federal judiciary in Ethiopia lacks the independence and determination to prosecute these crimes. As a result, an international system would provide hope to the survivors and their families in pursuing criminal prosecution.

There are a number of challenges to realizing the above objectives and goals. The first is lack of credible evidence. It is next to impossible to induce survivors to talk about their ordeals, so most of the evidence and data in this report are anecdotal. Two of the personal accounts lack rigor because survivors were not willing to share their experiences in detail. A second challenge lies in the ability to prove systematic abuse. Zawati observes, “The International Criminal Court Statute states that sexual abuse is a crime against humanity if they can prove that it was done in a systematic way”. Theoretically, one ought to regard these atrocities or acts in their context and verify whether they may be regarded as part of an overall policy or a consistent pattern of an inhumanity, or whether they instead constitute isolated or sporadic acts of cruelty.The limited data in this study indicate that the atrocities are planned, systematic, procedural, and omnipresent. By omnipresent we mean that the abuses appear to be present in all prisons at all times where activists and opposition party members are incarcerated. The anti-terrorism proclamation (A Proclamation on anti-terrorism Proclamation No. 652/2009) has provided an instrument to crush dissent and silence opposition parties. The proclamation punishes free expression, a violation of international law. The consequence is painfully real for journalists and activists who face imprisonment for exercising basic rights.  They have been branded by the Government as traitors and terrorists.

The study findings show that obscene and sadistic forms of torture are used in prison. The purpose of the abuse is purely to humiliate the victim and to intimidate others.

Sexual abuse has consequences far beyond the event itself. Harms include physical damage, psychological insult, sexually transmitted diseases, depression, and intrusive memories. In a country where psychological and psychiatric treatment, counselling, and emotional support are not common, it is very difficult for the survivors to reassemble their lives and to function as socially adequate and occupationally competent citizens.The gravity of this problem can be even more complicated among male victims because of cultural beliefs and deep seated traditions.

A cardinal reflection and overwhelming surprise in this study is the widespread rumor among Ethiopians that sodomy is also practiced in prison by government agencies as a method of torture.More research and investigation is required to substantiate such rumors. At present, the data are quite limited and diffuse. However, other forms of sexual abuse, such as genital maiming, rape, obscene and sadistic, ill treatment, are documented practice

Secretary of State Rex Tillerson FiredESAT News (March 13, 2018)


Engidu Woldie

President Donald Trump has fired Secretary of State Rex Tillerson and is replacing him with Director of the CIA.

The news came this morning in the form of the President’s tweet.

Several media outlets quoted White House press secretary Sarah Sanders assaying that Trump asked Tillerson to step aside.

“Mike Pompeo, Director of the CIA, will become our new Secretary of State. He will do a fantastic job! Thank you to Rex Tillerson for his service! Gina Haspel will become the new Director of the CIA, and the first woman so chosen. Congratulations to all!” Trump tweeted this morning.

Tillerson was in a week long visit to five African countries. He was in Ethiopia last Wednesday. But he cuts his tour short on Friday, visited Chad and Nigeria on the same day and headed to the U.S.

Apparently, he got the pink slip when he arrived in DC on Friday.

Ethiopian security forces massacre at least 9 civilians in Moyale as martial law takes toll on Oromia



March 11, 2018

by Zecharias Zelalem, Mohammed

(OPride)—Two days after U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson called for greater freedom to address the ongoing political crisis in Ethiopia, soldiers shot and killed at least nine civilians and wounded more than a dozen others in an unprovoked attack in Moyale, southern Oromia, near the border with Kenya.

Hundreds of civilians running from gunfire have reportedly crossed into the Kenyan side of Moyale town and are in need of humanitarian assistance.

“The Oromia Regional Government would like to express its profound sadness for the loss of life and at the cruel action taken against our people,” Addisu Arega, a spokesperson for the state, wrote on Facebook Saturday evening. “We will work with the Oromo public to bring to justice perpetrators of this heinous crime and all others involved.”

Oromo activists put the death toll from Saturday’s mayhem as high as 15. It was not immediately clear what exactly triggered the latest mass killings. The mayor of Moyale, Aschalew Yohannes, told the state-run Oromia Broadcasting Network (OBN) the incident is under investigation. Director of the city’s main hospital told OBN that all the victims died from gunshot wounds.

Eyewitnesses told the Voice of America (VOA), the attack came as a shock to Moyale residents as there were no protests, meetings, roadblockage or a disturbance that could have provoked the military onslaught. One eyewitness said some of the victims were shot at a coffee shop or while running away from the barrage of gunfire.

Daniel Berhane, a pro-government blogger in Addis Ababa, who has been actively promoting the emergency decree, has downplayed the brazen attack in Moyale as a mistake.

“A military unit was dispatched to Moyale area to intercept an OLF unit sneaking into the country,” he wrote on Facebook, referring to the Oromo Liberation Front, a rebel group that Ethiopia considers a terrorist.

“In the course of the operation, some soldiers, misled by erroneous information, have killed nine civilians and wounded 12. The soldiers are now disarmed and put in custody pending investigation into the matter.”

Graphic images

Facebook and Twitter are awash with extremely graphic images of the casualties in Moyale. In one of the images, several dead bodies, wrapped in blood-drenched shawls, are lined up beside each other.

Few of the bodies appear labeled. In one particularly disturbing image, the name “Tamam Nageso” was scribbled on the shawl in red ink. Activists have identified at least ten of the deceased, including Tamam, pictured here, who was described as a beloved principal at a local school.

Those massacred are mostly young men and some seem to have taken bullet wounds to the abdomen area. Another image shows a group of concerned youth — with visible anguish and distress on their faces —as they stand over the bodies of their fellow townsmen.

The death toll from the Saturday massacre in Moyale is expected to rise as five of the critically wounded victims have been referred to hospitals in the city of Hawassa, some 400 kilometers north. It is unclear if these patients would even be able to survive the trip.

A rigged vote and mounting death toll

The Moyale massacre caps weeks of relentless violence against civilians across Oromia, which began when authorities declared a six-month state of emergency on February 16. On March 2, parliament approved the implementation of the nationwide decree in a rigged vote, which led to strikes and protests across Oromia. The parliamentary vote came two days after security forces were ordered to “take all the necessary measures” to clampdown on “spoilers of peace,” a reference to unarmed protesters and dissenters in the restive Oromia state, which has been the epicenter of resistance since 2014.

So far, more than 30 civilians, including minors, have been killed by the military-run Command Post which oversees the emergency decree. More than 60 others have been wounded. Dozens of people, including youth activists, mayors, Oromia police officers and the deputy commissioner of Oromia police, have been abducted and jailed at undisclosed detention centers.

Until Saturday, killings took place mostly in western, central and eastern parts of Oromia, including the towns of Ginchi, Ambo, Guder, Nekemte, Dembi Dollo, Saqa Coqorsa and Chiro. These towns have seen much bloodshed and buried too many innocent civilians over the past few years. Ambo was the scene of an especially horrendous massacre caught on audio as security forces razed down nearly a dozen people last October.

By all accounts, the state of emergency has failed to secure peace and guarantee public safety. In Oromia, a relative calm that preceded the decree, is now replaced by heightened tensions and daily reports of civilian casualties, almost all of them in their early 20s.

The executive committee of the ruling coalition, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), begins its much-anticipated gathering today. They have a full slate, including a crucial vacancy in the prime minister’s post that needs to be filled.

Officials in Oromia continue to urge the public to express its grievances through a peaceful means. But the people’s patience is running out amid relentless official violence and the arrests and disappearances of local youth.

In his statement Saturday, Addisu, the spokesperson, said the state government will redouble its efforts to make sure the ongoing threat to public safety is resolved in a sustainable way.

That effort is likely to include a renewed push from the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO), officially the ruling party in Oromia, for the election of their candidate, Dr. Abiy Ahmed, as the country’s next prime minister. But activists and analysts say the most important agenda for the OPDO should be the immediate repeal of the martial law, which has effectively amounted to a declaration of war on Oromo civilians.

One thing is clear: The Saturday massacre in Moyale is a reminder that the disputed emergency decree has become a security nightmare for the state and it doesn’t offer a sustainable path forward for the country.


Tamam Nageso is one of the victims of the Moyale Masscre. Tamam, pictured here, is described as a beloved principal at a local school.

U.S. says it ‘strongly disagrees’ with Ethiopia’s state of emergency


ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) – The U.S. embassy in Ethiopia said on Saturday it disagreed with the government’s decision to impose a state of emergency to calm potential unrest the day after the prime minister’s surprise resignation.

“We strongly disagree with the Ethiopian government’s decision to impose a state of emergency that includes restrictions on fundamental rights such as assembly and expression,” the statement said.

“We recognize and share concerns expressed by the government about incidents of violence and loss of life, but firmly believe that the answer is greater freedom, not less,” it said.

The Current Crisis in Ethiopia and the Urgent need for a National Dialogue


                 Ethiopia has suffered from a crisis of state legitimacy for decades unable to install accountable and legitimate government that has the confidence and support of the majority of its diverse population. Consequently, it has not been in a position to address the serious domestic and external challenges it has been facing. The country has been especially in turmoil since the 1974 Revolution. The current regime, which came to power in the wake of the collapse of the military regime in 1991, suffered from a huge legitimacy deficit from the very beginning due to its sectarian, partisan nature and its many controversial policies. It came to power through a military conquest and maintains it by sheer use of force. As a result, the popular struggle against the regime intensified during the last three years, especially in Oromia, and also Amhara. The sustained mass uprising has created a serious crisis, including divisions within the regime and instability in the country. Given the situation, in which the people have refused to be ruled in the old ways and the regime is unable to rule as usual, or change course, there is an urgent need to address the deteriorating political, security, economic and humanitarian crisis, and put the country on a path of stability, democracy, and prosperity. Ethiopia’s predicament is compounded by the fact that the ruling elite is devoid of reason and political logic; it is self-serving and has no idea of the national interest. Yet, addressing these challenges requires a process of dialogue and national accommodation.

                  The Ethiopian people have spoken clearly and loudly, but the regime has to be encouraged and pressured especially by its international partners to start this process sooner, rather than later. The Ethiopian National Movement (ENM) will do all within its ability to mount internal and external pressures to bring the regime to the negotiating table. If the intransigence of the regime persists, the ENM would employ all nonviolent means of popular resistance to bring an end to the authoritarian and divisive regime, so that the country is put on a path of transition towards a sustainable, stable, and democratic order. Whichever way the end of the over a quarter of century misrule of the current regime is achieved, Ethiopia can no longer afford to repeat the disastrous experiences of past transitions of power. It is the conviction of the ENM that this regime should be the last tyrannical regime in Ethiopia.

            However, the transition from authoritarian rule towards an inclusive, accountable, and democratic governance requires not only commitment by all parties, but also carefully calculated and crafted steps and measures to affect a smooth transition towards a lasting           and sustainable democracy. Democracy is more than the procedural minimums of free and fair elections under conditions of universal suffrage. It has more substantive dimensions, including effective citizenship, popular empowerment, the rule of law, and functioning and robust institutions providing a range of public goods fairly and equitably to all citizens without discrimination. The path would be tortuous, sewn with obstacles, but given goodwill and adopting a culture of tolerance and accommodation, the obstacles are not insurmountable.

            In order to avoid the pitfalls, three major characteristics of transitions that determine success or failure have to be taken into account. Firstly, we should not only avoid but also be clear on uncertainty about outcomes, especially the fear of regression. At the same time, we cannot afford the constant flux in how the rules of the political game are defined, and we should be open to utilizing divisions within the ruling elite. Secondly, the core tasks of the immediate post-authoritarian regime are critical. This includes reforming the armed forces, removing them from politics, establishing procedures for dealing with human rights abuses, and organizing mechanisms for political participation, including channeling pent up public demands, and creating consensus as to the rules regarding how political power is exercised. Thirdly, there is a central role ascribed to the behavior of political elites and competitive elections. On this point all factions of the elite, including those in the opposition share enormous responsibilities. We should be cognizant of the fact that the outcome of the 1974 Revolution, and the transition towards a possibly new and better order was thwarted not just by the military officers who staged a counter-revolution and seized power, but also by the irresponsible actions of the civilian groups that were vying for supremacy. Hence, the transitional program should be crafted in such a way as to avoid these pitfalls by building a broad enough consensus around the core goals.

II. Stabilizing the Country and Confidence Building

1. Any political solution must start with restoring peace and security in the country. This can happen only when the government removes its command posts, military and secret police units, especially from Oromia and Amhara regions, but also other regions where the confrontation is intense.

2. The government should unconditionally stop politically motivated imprisonment and killings, harassment of civilians, fostering animosities and pitting communities against one another; and should release all political prisoners, journalists and civil society activists unconditionally and immediately.

III. Convening a National Conference

3. With the people in rebellion and the ruling party itself in disarray, and the government discredited, the regime must realize that it is not in a position to manage the crisis by itself. It is an extraordinary national crisis that requires an extraordinary national solution. Therefore, it is incumbent upon the current government to agree to convene a national conference of all stakeholders, including political organizations and civic groups inside the country and all those forced into exile.

4. The national conference should deliberate on the future governance of the country, and interim measures that have to be taken to stabilize the country and usher in a path of freedom and hope. Its major task is to draw up and agree on a transitional program and a roadmap to achieve it.

5. Based on the conditions established by the national conference, the current parliament and government should be dissolved, and a broad-based transitional government of national unity established in its place.

IV. Establishing a Transitional Government of National Unity

6. The Transitional Government of National Unity, whose makeup shall be determined by the agreement of the participants to the national conference, shall take responsibility for the governance of Ethiopia during the transitional period;

7. However, its main task would be implementing the transitional program agreed upon by the national conference, carrying out institutional and legal reforms, building the political, legal and institutional infrastructure, and making other preparations for conducting free, fair and credible elections, thus laying down a firm foundation for an open, just, inclusive, stable democratic order;

8. The current legal, constitutional and administrative framework shall remain the basis for the governance of the country during the transitional period; but all laws that have been designed to stifle the rights of citizens shall be rescinded or replaced;

9. Depending on the program set by the National Conference, the term of office of the Transitional Government of National Unity shall not exceed four years;

10. The Ethiopian Defense, Security and the Police Forces both at the federal and state levels shall continue to serve the country, but with necessary reforms carried out. All other armed combatants in existence shall be gradually and systematically integrated into the national army or supported to return to civilian lives;

11. The Transitional Government shall gradually reform the Ethiopian National Defense and Security Forces, to ensure that all the echelons are broadly representative of all the peoples of Ethiopia and to ensure these institutions are non-partisan, professional, competent, and answerable to the will of the peoples.

A. Immediate Tasks of the Transitional Government

12. The transitional government shall immediately declare null and void all legislations, designed to restrict the basic freedoms and liberties of people including freedom of assembly, association, expression, and movement;

13. The transitional government immediately begins a process of national reconciliation and healing; an independent, credible, transparent Commission of Inquiry shall be established to look into gross violations of human rights, abuse of power, and crimes against humanity, with the support of pertinent international bodies;

14. The transitional government shall tackle the humanitarian crisis on a priority basis, and also help in the rehabilitation of political prisoners, journalists, civic society activists, and returning refugees and exiles;

15. The transitional government shall immediately start the process of economic recovery, rehabilitation, and stabilization, by promulgating policies and issuing guidelines to encourage economic activities, rapid economic growth, and create employment opportunities in general and for the youth in particular; it shall set up appropriate bodies and instruments for these purposes.

B. Building the Foundations for a Democratic State

16. The transitional government shall immediately commence the process of thorough reforms of the national defense and security forces, judiciary, civil service, and electoral bodies, to make the institutions competent, professional, nonpartisan, and reflective of the country’s diverse population;

17. A system of transitional justice shall be instituted to investigate violations of human rights and other abuses of power; the commission shall also look into corruption and embezzlement of public and state resources; assets embezzled from the people of Ethiopia and kept in domestic and foreign banks and property holdings will be investigated and returned to the rightful owners;
18. The transitional government shall set up a constitutional commission from broad sections of the people and experts to look into constitutional issues, and come up with a document owned and defended by the people; moreover, it shall create bodies to deal with all outstanding issues, including the national question, languages, capital city, and the carrying out of a credible census;

19. The vast majority of Ethiopians being rural farmers, and land being crucial for their livelihood, the transitional government shall set up a land commission to look into unlawful evictions from land, illegal land deals, and the restoration of land rights; the commission shall also recommend a land tenure system that protects the rights of indigenous peoples, farmers, pastoralists, the environment and future generations, encourages sustainable equitable development, balancing current needs and future growth.

20. The transitional government shall overhaul the state-owned media, to make them public bodies independent from the government as well as ruling parties, so that they equitably serve the general interests society.

V. Principles for the Transition

21. No right enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights shall be abridged by the Transitional Government and the people shall have the unrestricted freedom to exercise their rights without interference and molestation by the state;

22. The right to assembly, organization, and free expression of opinion shall not be suppressed under any circumstances, and no permission, whatsoever, shall be required to assemble or organize peaceful protests and to petition the government for redress of grievances; notifying appropriate authorities for purposes of public safety should be enough;

23. All political organizations have full rights to peacefully organize and campaign for their programs; and the transitional government should encourage the growth of a strong and healthy civil society, and viable, credible political organizations, as part of laying a strong foundation for democracy;

24. The transitional government shall safeguard the interests of all the people who live, enter or reside in the country; this includes foreigners, residents and refugees;

25. The Transitional Government, as much as possible, shall honor all international agreements that Ethiopia has entered into, save for those agreements that violate the country’s sovereignty and national interests; it shall foster amicable and friendly relations with all neighboring states and promote inter-African and international cooperation.

Freedom and Justice for All!

Patriotic Ginbot 7

Debretsion TPLF’s John


Ecadf news

Debretsion Gebremichael, minister of communication and information technology (a/k/a disinformation), deputy prime minister, TPLF chairman and notorious hacker, has a secret passionate avocation, the pursuit of happiness in global whorehouses.

Debretsion Gebremichael in his secret life is a professional “John”.

In America, the term “John” is used to describe those men who have a habit of frequenting whorehouses and using the services of prostitutes.

John Debretsion’s disgusting secret life of sex, lies, pornography, sex tourism, debauchery and corruption was recently documented and laid bare in an article, complete with screenshots of a treasure trove of inside job hacked emails and browser history browsing for hookers, by Abebe Gellaw, the well-known Ethiopian investigative journalist and executive director of Ethiopian Satellite Television.